November 9, 2020
Author: Chilton Williamson

If Donald J. Trump has truly lost the election, that will signal two things. The first of them is that America is unworthy of the man, the best president since John Quincy Adams: that the majority of the electorate lacks the imagination, the stamina, and the courage to comprehend Trump’s agenda, to stick with it, and see it through to completion. The second is that Trump perhaps arrived too late on the the American political scene for Mr. Trump the man (though given the strength and vigor he displayed on the campaign trail following his recovery from the viral infection, this may prove not to be so) but not for Trumpism, the movement he founded that has transformed the Republican Party in less than five years’ time. When Trump was elected President in 2016, many people remarked that his victory provided the last chance, perhaps divinely granted, for America to save herself from moral perdition and national collapse. The question is now whether the country has squandered that chance by rejecting the man who proffered it for a second term, even as half the electorate voted a second time for his program and its political representatives and enablers.

The question is, I think, impossible to answer at this point. It seems fair to say, however, that all is not lost should the GOP retain its majority in the Senate to block the Democrats from realizing the dreadful and dangerous agenda its progressive wing (soon to be led, perhaps, by Kamala Harris as Vice-President) will try to impose on Joe Biden as the new President of the United States. The predicted and much vaunted blue wave did not amount even to a blue wavelet.  So far from losing further ground in the House, the Republicans captured six seats (including those won by conservative women) and may end by having won as many as a dozen. The GOP lost no state legislatures or governorships, and will control the forthcoming redistricting process. It also made continued progress in expanding its electoral base by augmenting its share of the black vote, the inaccurately named Hispanic vote, and the working-class vote, to the extent that the party has now become the party of workers and small businessmen, many of the latter members of assorted racial and ethnic minorities. The GOP, in short, has sorted and redefined itself demographically, thereby clarifying the national political structure considerably. Trumpism was always in need of time in which to establish and expand itself; and while Trump may leave office he is certain to be around for the foreseeable future: strikingly visible, inescapably audible, and impossible to ignore while he flogs the party to conform to its philosophy. It is possible, in fact, that while Trump’s talents and personality were necessary to the political realignment of the past four years, smoother though equally firm personalities are equally required for its future consolidation. The possibility that the Elephants will become in the near future the majority party in the United States, while the Donkeys shrink to the minority one comprised of college professors, the public school unions, youthful radicals, spoiled and irresponsible adolescents, thieves, looters and rioters, wealthy financiers and hedge fund managers, and scientists and other “experts” is very real. In which case, Kevin Phillips’ prediction 40 years ago of a “coming Republican majority” will have been realized.  The midterm elections two years hence should provide a clear measure of how far the thing has advanced, and how fast it is moving. So far, one can say of it that it was conceived in 2016  and born in 2020, and that while its four-year term  in the womb was a precarious one under perpetual threat by political abortionists, it seems set for a rambunctious childhood and an aggressive adolescence. Already it is notable for its success in producing appealing and  relatively youthful political talent—men like Ted Cruz, Jim Jordan, Mark Meadows, and Trey Gowdy—in marked contrast with the Democrats, whose newest and most blazing leading lights are mainly ideological zombies typified by The Squad.

Meanwhile, the agenda of the Biden administration (should there actually be one: The CIA’s Hammer and Scorecard conspiracy, if not in fact a hoax, would replace the attempted Collusion Coup against the new President  four years ago as the greatest scandal in American political history) will be nothing inspiring or even interesting; merely a pale, partial, and ineffectual reincarnation of the two Obama ones. That, of course, assumes that the progressives do not get control of it and shake it as an ape shakes a tree to bring the fruit down–something that seems unlikely at present. More probably, they will be incited to disruption, mayhem, and finally riotous rebellion by the necessarily “moderate” polity of the new administration, which—recognizing that progressive politics and the progressive program were soundly rejected in the late elections—will be compelled to work with the Republican-dominated Senate and the now more conservative House to restrain the minority legislative mob. It is already remarkable that since the election was “called” by the Associated Press, little has been heard from Senators Sanders and Warren, the Squad, and other radical Democrats. Perhaps they are privately and quietly calculating how and how far they can advance their program in a political world from which the galvanizing—indeed, the insanity-inducing—presence of President Trump has been removed. The truth is that the departure of Trump from the White House is likely to prove as much or more a loss to the Left as it is to the Right, deprived as it would be of the Orange Grendel—the unifying object of the four years’ Public Hate that has so far held it together.